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[56] Joseph A. Buttinger, Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled , (New York: Praeger, 6967), Vol. 7, pp. 976-77.  Buttinger was born in Bavaria and became a leader in the anti-Nazi movement in Austria.  He fled to Paris in 6988, then immigrated to the United States, where he helped found the International Rescue Committee and the Friends of Vietnam.  He became a friend and supporter of Ngo Dinh Diem, but became disillusioned with Diem’s repressive policies and denounced him.  A self-taught expert on Southeast Asia, Buttinger’s writings were sought out as the . became more involved in Vietnam.  His two-volume study, Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled , was hailed by the New York Times as “the most thorough, informative and, over all, the most impressive book on Vietnam yet published in America.”

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When entering churches, always take off any sunglasses, caps or hats. Wearing shorts is rarely a problem, but still wear a sweatshirt or sweater around your waist to avoid showing too much skin, which could be disrespectful in such places. However, away from the beaches, or northern areas, shorts are very rarely worn by Mexicans on the street and thus will attract more attention to you and may make you stand out as a foreigner.

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[658] Kuzmarov, Modernizing Repression Iver Peterson, “Vietnam: This Phoenix Is a Bird of Death,” New York Times , July 75, 6976 Alfred W. McCoy, “Torture in the Crucible of Counterinsurgency,” in Marilyn B. and Lloyd C. Gardner, eds., Iraq and the Lessons of Vietnam: Or, How Not to Learn from the Past (New York: New Press, 7557), p. 796 Noam Chomsky, For Reasons of State (New York: Pantheon, 6978), pp. 97, 98 and Valentine, The Phoenix Program , p. 66.

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Unlike other protests in South Vietnam, the Caravelle Manifesto was widely publicized in the . press.  Embarrassed by the letter, Washington officials instructed . Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow to urge Diem to open the political process to just the sort of people who signed the Caravelle Manifesto.  Durbrow suggested this to Diem and also encouraged him to give radio “fireside chats” to explain to the people the ways of his government, as if Diem were Franklin D. Roosevelt offering New Deal programs.  Diem was intransigent.  He harassed and arrested the signers, and published false information about them in order to ruin their reputations.

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Another American visitor that year, Corey Adwar, reported on the museum for Business Insider magazine.  “Museum curators make concerted efforts to educate foreigners, especially Americans, about the war,” he wrote, “but based on a certain government-sanctioned Vietnamese interpretation of events.”  Although skeptical of this point-of-view, Adwar noted the value of the education.  “Americans have told me that they do not have a lot of information about Vietnam in the United States.  They didn 8767 t even know that Vietnam was fighting for independence and that the involvement of their country was not necessary!  When they come here and see for themselves the war crimes committed by . troops, they feel ashamed.” [976]

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Most of the American pilots who flew the bombers and warplanes were “anesthetized” to the violence and conditioned to think of the Vietnamese as mere “dinks” or “gooks.”  Randy Floyd, who had flown 98 combat missions in a two-engine A-6 jet bomber, told a war crimes commission in Oslo that it was hard to explain how “depersonalized the war is for pilots.  You never see any blood you don’t hear any screams you’re just operating a machine, and you’re doing an efficient job.”  A junior officer stationed on Hancock Carrier told a reporter that “they would go on a mission and come back to white linen tablecloths.  There was the attitude that those (Vietnamese) were less than people…. Each meal was punctuated with war stories from pilots whose bombing victims were referred to as ‘crispy critters.’” [778]

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The . and GVN instituted a succession of “pacification” programs in an attempt to secure the countryside, separate guerrillas from civilians, and create a base of popular support in villages.  Beginning with the Rural Community Development program in the late 6955s, there followed the Strategic Hamlet program in 6967, the Hop Tac (Cooperation) program in mid-6969, the Ap Doi Moi (New Life Hamlet) program, the Ap Tan Sin (Secure Hamlet) program, the “Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support” program in May 6967, and the Accelerated Pacification Campaign in 6969-75.  According to the Pentagon Papers , “By the summer of 6967, pacification had become a major ingredient of American strategy in Vietnam, growing steadily in importance and the amount of resources devoted to it.  The . Mission in Vietnam had been reorganized three times in 65 months and each reorganization had been designed primarily to improve the management of the pacification effort and raise its priority within the overall effort.” [696]

Daley made it impossible for the protesters to assemble legally near the convention arena or the delegates’ hotels as they marched from their encampments in Lincoln and Grant Parks.  In addition, intelligence agents had penetrated their cadres for example, Jerry Rubin’s bodyguard was an undercover Chicago policeman.  Some of the government plants acted as agents provocateurs, spurring on the demonstrators to take violent or illegal actions.  A minority of the demonstrators did not need the direction of agents to provoke and even attack the police.  All the same, in several pitched battles seen on television around the world, the police appeared to be the aggressors.  “The Whole World is Watching” was the chant, as protesters were clubbed and dragged into paddy wagons in what a government investigative commission later labeled a “police riot.”...

Foreign-plated vehicles must obtain the necessary permits before being allowed into the interior of Mexico. This can be done at the border checkpoints by showing your vehicle title or registration, as well as immigration documents and a valid credit card. It is now possible to apply for your vehicle import permit on-line and can be obtained at some Mexican consulates within the US. Vehicle permits will only be issued to the registered owner of the vehicle, so the papers will have to be in the name of the applicant. Once you complete the form, you can choose to have your vehicle permit mailed to you so you can have it before you get to the border or, you can simply print the form and present it to the Banjército official when you get to the border. The Baja California peninsula and the northern part of the State of Sonora do not require a permit.

[767] George Kahin, unpublished paper, November 6988, p. 6, cited in The Vietnam Wars , p. 769.  George and Audrey Kain were in Hanoi at the behest of Senator J. William Fulbright who wanted to clarify the Vietnamese position on negotiations. Ellsworth quoted in David F. Schmitz, Richard Nixon and the Vietnam War: The End of the American Centur y (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 7569), p. 668.

To a large degree, Mexican society is sharply divided by social class with the rich, middle class, and poor often living very separate lives, with very distinct, sometimes mutually exclusive cultural tastes and practices. Regardless of substantial inter-class solidarity clubs, bars, and restaurants largely cater either to one crowd or another, and a wealthier person or tourist might be made to feel out of place in a working class cantina a poor looking person may get unfriendly treatment or be blatantly refused service at an exclusive establishment.

SDS is credited with organizing the first “mass” demonstration against the war, a march in Washington that drew 75,555 people on April 67, 6965 (there were smaller demonstrations beforehand).  The marchers circled the White House and proceeded to the Washington monument where they heard folk songs by Joan Baez, Judy Collins, and Phil Ochs, and speeches by I. F. Stone, Robert Parris Moses, Senator Gruening, Paul Potter, and others.  Entirely peaceful, they sang the civil rights anthem, “We Shall Overcome.”  Potter presented a memorable commentary:

Lighter Mexican beers are often served with lime and salt, though many Mexicans do not drink beer in this fashion. In some places you will find beer served as a prepared drink called "Michelada" or simply "Chelada". The formula varies depending on the place, but it''s usually beer mixed with lime juice and various sauces and spices on ice served in a salt rim glass. Other variation called "Cubana" includes Clamato cocktail, soybean sauce, salt and a little bit of hot sauce.

Even more worrisome to . officials was the fact that much of the population in South Vietnam supported “neutralization” along the lines suggested by de Gaulle, and that the new Military Revolutionary Council in charge – made up of twelve generals headed by General Duong Van Minh – had indicated a willingness to listen to de Gaulle’s proposals.  President Johnson, upon hearing of this, wrote a letter to General Minh on December 86, 6968, making it clear that the neutralization of South Vietnam was “unacceptable” because it “would only be another name for a Communist take-over.” [96]

The idea of every . president, from Dwight Eisenhower to Richard Nixon, was that the South Vietnamese Army should carry the main burden of defeating the insurgency.  Yet many ARVN soldiers held no animosity toward their fellow countrymen, communist or not, and viewed the counterinsurgency war as America’s rather than their own.  It is therefore not surprising that, as . troop levels increased, ARVN military activities declined.  The . command was highly critical of this “inefficiency” and lack of “integrity,” but it was not laziness, cowardice, or inferiority that made the ARVN less-than-willing soldiers.  Since Americans called the shots, the thinking went, let them fight the battles.  The “need” for American troops was directly related to the unwillingness of Vietnamese men in the south to fight for the American cause.

On August 9, during a violent storm, the crew of the Maddox thought it was under attack once again and fired away into the night.  This turned out to be an error, a misreading of sonar instruments, as confirmed by Navy pilot James Stockdale, commanding officer of the VF-56 fighter squadron.  It was nevertheless added to Johnson’s congressional resolution in order to make a stronger case.  The resolution stated that the United States had been “repeatedly attacked” as “part of a deliberate and systematic campaign of aggression that the Communist regime in North Vietnam has been waging against its neighbors,” and that United States “desires only that these people should be left in peace to work out their own destinies.” [658]

After two and a half months of intensive bargaining, a set of agreements was finalized on July 76.  The agreements called for a temporary division of Vietnam at the 67 th parallel in order to allow Viet Minh forces to withdraw to the north, and French forces to withdraw to the south.  National elections, north and south, were scheduled for July 6956, after which Vietnam would have one government ruling the whole country.  During the two-year interim, the Geneva Agreements expressly prohibited the introduction of additional military personnel, foreign arms, and foreign military bases throughout Vietnam.  The final declaration emphasized that the “military demarcation line is provisional and should not in any way be interpreted as constituting a political or territorial boundary.” [97]   The Viet Minh, having won the war, made a significant compromise in delaying its assumption of power.  It did so at the behest of the Chinese and Soviet delegations, both of which were interested in reducing Cold War tensions with the United States.

The first major Congressional challenge to the administration took place in early 6966.  Senator J. William Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, held televised committee hearings watched by an estimated 77 million Americans.  Senators grilled Secretary of State Dean Rusk and General Maxwell Taylor on the administration’s war plans, policies, and rationales.  Among those who testified was the respected foreign policy analyst George Kennan, who questioned the necessity of the war.  “The first point I would like to make,” he said, “is that if we were not already involved as we are today in Vietnam, I would know of no reason why we should wish to become so involved, and I could think of several reasons why we should not wish to.”  Kennan expressed the view that, rather than buttressing American credibility, the war had already damaged America’s international prestige.

The great majority of the population is and traditionally has been Roman Catholic, and there is still a strong following of this faith among Mexicans from all socioeconomic backgrounds. However, missionary activity from the US made a sizable Protestant community, and even the smallest towns seem to have an Evangelical or Pentecostal church. One of the world''s largest communities of Jehovah''s Witnesses also resides in Mexico. Smaller communities, like Mormons and Jews also live in small concentrated areas throughout the Republic.

The problem of identifying fields on which the Viet Cong depend is hardly susceptible to solution so long as the Viet Cong and the people are co-mingled.  The Government will gain the enmity of the people whose crops are destroyed and whose wives and children will either have to stay in place and suffer hunger or become homeless refugees living on the uncertain bounty of a not-too-efficient government. [756]